We focus on the strategyproofness of voting systems where voters must choose a number of options among several possibilities. These systems include those that are used for Participatory Budgeting, where we organize an election to determine the allocation of a community's budget (city, region, etc.) dedicated to the financing of projects.
We present a model for studying voting mechanisms and the Constrained Change Property (CCP), which will be used to design voting mechanisms that are always strategyproof. We also define a new notion of social choice function and use it to design a new class of utilitarian voting mechanisms that we call score voting. We prove that the mechanisms designed with core voting with a neutral score function are equivalent to knapsack voting on the same instance and that any score voting designed with a total score function is strategyproof if and only if its score function satisfies CCP.
These results are combined to devise an algorithm that can find the closest total score function that makes any given score voting to be strategyproof.
In party-approval multiwinner elections the goal is to allocate the seats of a fixed-size committee to parties based on the approval ballots of the voters over the parties. In particular, each voter can approve multiple parties and each party can be assigned multiple seats. Two central requirements in this setting are proportional representation and strategyproofness. Intuitively, proportional representation requires that every sufficiently large group of voters with similar preferences is represented in the committee. Strategyproofness demands that no voter can benefit by misreporting her tru…
The integrity of elections is central to democratic systems. However, a myriad of malicious actors aspire to influence election outcomes for financial or political benefit. A common means to such ends is by manipulating perceptions of the voting public about select candidates, for example, through misinformation. We present a formal model of the impact of perception manipulation on election outcomes in the framework of spatial voting theory, in which the preferences of voters over candidates are generated based on their relative distance in the space of issues. We show that controlling electio…
We introduce the model of line-up elections which captures parallel or sequential single-winner elections with a shared candidate pool. The goal of a line-up election is to find a high-quality assignment of a set of candidates to a set of positions such that each position is filled by exactly one candidate and each candidate fills at most one position. A score for each candidate-position pair is given as part of the input, which expresses the qualification of the candidate to fill the position. We propose several voting rules for line-up elections and analyze them from an axiomatic and an empi…
In Spatial Voting Theory, distortion is a measure of how good the winner is. It is proved that no deterministic voting mechanism can guarantee a distortion better than $3$, even for simple metrics such as a line. In this study, we wish to answer the following question: how does the distortion value change if we allow less motivated agents to abstain from the election? We consider an election with two candidates and suggest an abstention model, which is a more general form of the abstention model proposed by Kirchgassner. We define the concepts of the expected winner and the expected distortion…
We introduce two-crossing elections as a generalization of single-crossing elections, showing a number of new results. First, we show that two-crossing elections can be recognized in polynomial time, by reduction to the well-studied consecutive ones problem. We also conjecture that recognizing $k$-crossing elections is NP-complete in general, providing evidence by relating to a problem similar to consecutive ones proven to be hard in the literature. Single-crossing elections exhibit a transitive majority relation, from which many important results follow. On the other hand, we show that the cl…
We propose a new single-winner voting system using ranked ballots: Stable Voting. The motivating principle of Stable Voting is that if a candidate A would win without another candidate B in the election, and A beats B in a head-to-head majority comparison, then A should still win in the election with B included (unless there is another candidate A' who has the same kind of claim to winning, in which case a tiebreaker may choose between such candidates). We call this principle Stability for Winners (with Tiebreaking). Stable Voting satisfies this principle while also having a remarkable ability…
How long is a piece of string? An exploration of multi-winner approval voting and ballot-length restrictions
从学术团体和协会到公共选举，在各种场合都可以看到多赢家批准选举。在这类选举中，往往实行选票长度限制;也就是说，选民对他们可以投票选举的候选人人数有限制。尽管有这一共同特征，但选票长度限制似乎没有任何理论依据（Laslier和Van der Straeten，2016）。这项工作内生地得出了一套选民最佳反应选票长度在完全信息和选民效用和投票规则的一般假设。这些结果为实践中观察到的一些选票长度限制提供了理由，但是当考虑均衡结果时，我们的分析表明这种理由不再有效。均衡分析被认为是懒惰和真理偏见的二阶倾向的选民和均衡解决方案的概念是纯粹的纳什均衡。关键的见解表明，选票长度的限制或制度的特点，使投票成本可能会导致不稳定的选举结果时，选民有不同的偏好，通过不存在的均衡。另一方面，当均衡确实存在时，它们满足理想的性质，而这些性质是在无成本投票和没有投票长度限制的情况下获得的均衡所不能保证的。总之，我们的研究结果突出了稳定和理想的选举结果之间的鲜明权衡。
Given a set of agents with approval preferences over each other, we study the task of finding $k$ matchings fairly representing everyone's preferences. We model the problem as an approval-based multiwinner election where the set of candidates consists of all possible matchings and agents' preferences over each other are lifted to preferences over matchings. Due to the exponential number of candidates in such elections, standard algorithms for classical sequential voting rules (such as those proposed by Thiele and Phragmén) are rendered inefficient. We show that the computational tractability o…
We survey the design of elections that are resilient to attempted interference by third parties. For example, suppose votes have been cast in an election between two candidates, and then each vote is randomly changed with a small probability, independently of the other votes. It is desirable to keep the outcome of the election the same, regardless of the changes to the votes. It is well known that the US electoral college system is about 5 times more likely to have a changed outcome due to vote corruption, when compared to a majority vote. In fact, Mossel, O'Donnell and Oleszkiewicz proved in …
CNRS（法国国家科学研究中心）；Facebook AI Research（脸书人工智能研究院）；University of Warsaw（华沙大学）
Assume $k$ candidates need to be selected. The candidates appear over time. Each time one appears, it must be immediately selected or rejected -- a decision that is made by a group of individuals through voting. Assume the voters use approval ballots, i.e., for each candidate they only specify whether they consider it acceptable or not. This setting can be seen as a voting variant of choosing $k$ secretaries. Our contribution is twofold. (1) We assess to what extent the committees that are computed online can proportionally represent the voters. (2) If a prior probability over candidate approv…
