发表机构
University of Michigan（密歇根大学）
机构由 AI 辅助整理，请以论文原文为准。AI 中文总结
本文针对内涵回指的特殊现象，提出基于描述的新理论，构建PIP逻辑系统以解决非真实内涵语境中回指的问题，为内涵回指研究提供经典基础。
AI 中文摘要
内涵算子通常被处理为对可能世界的量词，与限定词被处理为对个体的量词的方式平行。然而，在内涵语境中引入的个体，作为后续代词先行词的难度远高于仅在量化语境中引入的个体。例如，“每个人都在吃一个芝士汉堡”之后可以接“它们很大”，其中“它们”指正在被吃的芝士汉堡。但正如Stone（1999）指出的，类似的句子“Andrea可能正在吃一个芝士汉堡”无法支持后续的回指指代，如“它很大”或“它们很大”。Stone（1999）、Stone和Hardt（1999）以及Brasoveanu（2010）通过要求代词的取值（即其指称对象）存在于评价世界中来解决这一问题，从而排除来自非真实内涵语境的回指。然而，我们展示了两类情况：一类是即使代词的指称对象明确存在，回指也不被允许；另一类是即使指称对象可能不存在，回指也被允许。我们认为，内涵回指最好通过基于描述而非基于取值的理论来捕捉：代词预设其对应的先行描述在语境集合的每个世界中都被实例化。因此，对于“Andrea可能正在吃一个芝士汉堡”之后接“它很大”要合乎语法，必须在每个候选世界中都有一个Andrea正在吃的芝士汉堡。我们基于Keshet（2018）以及Abney和Keshet（2022）的工作，实现了我们的提案，该提案名为多元内涵预设谓词演算（Plural Intensional Presuppositional predicate calculus，PIP）。每个PIP公式都可直接转换为带有集合抽象的标准一阶谓词演算，为这项工作提供了经典基础。
英文摘要
Intensional operators are often treated as quantifiers over possible worlds, parallel to the treatment of determiners as quantifiers over individuals. Yet individuals introduced in intensional contexts cannot serve as antecedents to later pronouns as easily as those introduced in merely quantificational contexts. For instance, "Everyone is eating a cheeseburger" may be followed by "They are large", where "they" refers to the cheeseburgers being eaten. However, as Stone (1999) points out, the similar "Andrea might be eating a cheeseburger" does not support later anaphoric references such as "It is large" or "They are large". Stone (1999), Stone and Hardt (1999), and Brasoveanu (2010) address this by requiring a pronoun's value (its referents) to exist in the world of evaluation, ruling out anaphora from non-veridical intensional contexts. We show, however, both cases where such anaphora is disallowed even when the pronoun's referents clearly exist and cases where it is allowed even though they might not exist. We argue that intensional anaphora is best captured using a description-based rather than value-based account. A pronoun presupposes that its corresponding antecedent description is instantiated in each world of the context set. Thus, there must be a cheeseburger being eaten by Andrea in every candidate world for "It is large" to be felicitous after "Andrea might be eating a cheeseburger". We implement our proposal via a new logic, building on Keshet (2018) and Abney and Keshet (2022), called Plural Intensional Presuppositional predicate calculus (PIP). Each PIP formula translates directly into standard first-order predicate calculus with set abstraction, providing a classical foundation for this work.
Comments49 pages. Published in Semantics and Pragmatics
Journal refSemantics and Pragmatics 17 (2024), Article 9, 1-54
DOI：10.3765/sp.17.9
